Four "leaders" in Iraq fill legal vacuum

It also gave birth to a group of "spiritual leaders."

Second, the Middle East is the region with the most intense national conflicts and national struggles in the world. Since the founding of Israel, disputes between Arabs and Israelis have continued. No Islamic or Jewish religious person in the wave of national struggle can afford to stay out of trouble. All of them must provide spiritual guidance to their followers. The repeated defeats of the Arab countries in the war have aroused strong dissatisfaction among the Islamists. They criticized the secular leaders for deviating from the Islamic track and called for the Islamic spirit to remobilize and arm the public. Religious people began to enter the political arena. In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, religious figures headed by Yassin are dissatisfied with the weakness of the Palestine Liberation Organization. Yassin personally created the Islamic resistance "Hamas" and became another "spiritual leader" outside the political leader of Arafat. ".

Third, the Middle East is the region with the most abundant oil and gas resources in the world, and it is also a region where global superpowers are frequently involved. In the Cold War era, the Middle East was the international stage where both superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union, competed for each other. After the end of the Cold War, the United States fought the first Gulf War in 1991. In March 2003, the United States once again sent troops to Iraq and hit the Second Gulf War. The war overthrew Saddam’s leadership of the Ba'ath Party and destroyed Iraq’s social system. The United States plans to transform Iraq into a model for Arab countries to move toward Western democracy. However, many Iraqis oppose the United States’ military occupation and do not believe that the Americans choose the Iraqi Governing Council members. They need local leaders who can represent their interests and reflect their opinions. As a result, Shi’ite and Sunni religious figures in Iraq came forward and “spiritual leaders” such as Sistani, Hakim, Sadr, and Dali emerged. Their emergence fills the void before the creation of legitimate political leaders and "maintains" the current chaotic political and social order in Iraq. This is precisely what the current situation calls for "spiritual leadership."

Therefore, the emergence and dynamism of many “spiritual leaders” in the Middle East is an objective requirement of the political and social status quo in the Middle East and a practical reflection of various conflicts and crises in the Middle East. The Middle East is a war-torn land. It is a disaster-ridden land. “Spiritual leaders” often appear when the social crisis and political power are out of control. Although there are all hot issues in the East.

Iraq: Four "Leaders" Fill Legal Legitimacy After the death of vacuum Bakir Sadar, his cousin Ayatollah Mohammed Sadiq Sadr inherited his religious authority but reduced the tone of opposition to the Saddam regime. Saddam Hussein seeks to expel Najaf foreign Shia religious authority, such as Iranian Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani, Afghani Ayatollah Mohammad Ishagfayad, and Pakistani Ayatollabahir. Hussein al-Afi and others supported the Sadr family of Iraqi people with purely Arab origin and seized control of the Najaf religious school.

However, Saddam Hussein’s regime also regarded it as a serious threat when Sadiq Sadel gradually gained widespread support from Shi’ite people. On February 19, 1999, Sadik Sadr and his two sons were assassinated in the city of Najaf. The murderer is said to be the Iraqi secret police. The Sadr family was quiet.

Later, the Sadr family suddenly emerged as a newcomer. He was another son of Sadiq Sadr, Mugda Dadzad. Mugada Da Sadr was born in 1973 and was once appointed by his father as editor-in-chief of "Journey" magazine. He is also the head of the Islamic League of Sadr. Sadr is currently only an "external research student" of the Najaf School of Religion. He has not yet received the title "Muzhitai Sid," and he does not have religious authority status and is qualified to issue teachings. Sadr himself also said that he was only an assistant to Ayatollah Kazimahari. However, in fact, this young Shiite priest who does not have the title of “Ayatollah” actually has more political power, appeal and influence than ordinary Ayatollah.

The Ye’s militia organization Mahdi Army initially had only 500 people, mostly students from religious schools, and it is said that it has grown to more than 10,000 people. Most of them are young people with low educational levels, poor living standards and a sense of temperament. Sadr’s supporters came from Shi’ite areas in central and southern Iraq, especially in Saddam City, the capital of Baghdad. This is an urban area with 2 million poor people. Most people support the Sadr family. After the US military overthrew Saddam Hussein, they privately changed the “Saddam City” to the support of many religious authorities. Most of them are uncles or His father's disciple or colleague, such as Ayatollah Kazimahari, was the proud protégé of uncle Sadar Bakir.

The Muslim regime also opposes the U.S. invasion and occupation of Iraq.

He does not oppose the Americans coming to Iraq to overthrow Saddam Hussein. He only insists that the United States withdraw its Iraqi territory as soon as possible.

Sadr is particularly disgusted with Iraqis backed by the United States and considers them to be the accomplice of the American occupation forces, such as Abdumajid Hoye, a Shi’ite religious person.

From Azerbaijan's Grand Ayatollah Abu Qashimhoy. Because his father was subjected to the persecution and house arrest of the Saddam regime, Hoy was exiled to London, England in 1991 and formed a Shi’ite Supreme Council to engage in activities against Saddam Hussein’s regime and was thus appreciated by the United States.

He was the first opposition person to return to Iraq with the US military. He arrived in Najaf on April 3, 2003, and called on the Iraqis not to obstruct the U.S. military overthrow Saddam Hussein’s military operations. Sadr accused him of working with the occupying forces as a pawn for the United States to invade Iraq. On April 10 last year, Hoy was assassinated near the Ali Mosque in Najaf.

The United States was angry at losing a good helper and found that Sadr and his "Mahdi Army" were responsible for the assassination. The Iraqi judge then issued an order to apprehend Sadr. However, Bremer, the U.S. Supreme People’s Executive Chief in Iraq, did not want to have a direct conflict with Sadr, and he did not arrest arrest warrants. Since the beginning of this year, as the Iraqi people’s dissatisfaction with the United States has grown, Sadr has also stepped up his anti-US appeals. Bremer was afraid of the Iraqi chaos. At the end of March, he ordered the closure of the newspaper owned by Sadr and strongly attacked the United States. “Mahdi "Army" and the US military broke out in Najaf, Sadr City and Basra. On April 5th, Bremer announced that Sadr was a "gangster", US forces would arrest Sadr, and "Mahdi Army" claimed to have defended Sadr. Sadr claimed that he was not afraid of death. He also said that "becoming a martyred person will allow us to obtain dignity from Allah."

Sadr is one of the most influential Shi’ite leaders in Iraq. Although his anti-US actions were objectively unfavorable to the transfer of Iraq’s sovereignty, they expressed the Iraqi people’s strong dissatisfaction with the US occupation forces.

Sistani's "interim constitution will become a dead child"

He is an Iranian Iraqi. After the Iraq war, he issued several teaching decrees. His statement changed the plans of the American occupation authorities. He objected to the two provisions of the interim constitution.

Born on the 4th of the month in Iranian Shi’ite religious family, his grandfather was once called “Islamic elders”.

Sistani started studying the Koran at the age of 5 and entered religious school at the age of 11 for systematic education.

In 1951, he arrived in Najaf, a Shi’ite holy city in Iraq. He was also a teacher of Azerbaijani Ayatla Abu Qashimhoy and Ayatollah Husinshili. Later, he became "Mitchin Sid" and stepped into the ranks of senior Shia religious figures.

Sistani is teaching and researching at the Najaf religious school. By the 1980s, the knowledge, ability, and character of Sistani had won universal praise. After the death of Grand Ayatollah, he took over as president of the Najaf religious school and Shia’s highest religious authority. The influence of Sistani was not only confined to Iraq, but even to Iran, the Gulf region, and South Asia. Many Shi’a students were attracted to study. During the reign of Saddam Hussein, Sistani was an Iranian national. He was politically implicated because of contradictions and wars between Iran and Iraq. The Saddam regime once placed him under house arrest for a long period of time. This special political environment has had an important influence on the religious views of Kistani. Sistani is a relatively conservative school in Shia religious tradition. He believes that the religious opinions expressed by religious authorities are limited in their scope of action. They should only care about and involve religious affairs, inheritance of property, and stop the enforcement of laws. In other words, try not to involve political affairs and not interfere in current political life. For this reason, Sistani was called "the authority of silence."

In March 2003, the United States and British troops sent troops to attack Iraq. The new political environment forced Sistani to become "the authority of speech." Before the U.S. military occupied Baghdad, Sistani issued a religious decree to the Shi’ite people on April 2 (2003) calling for the Iraqi people to stay in the place. Most believers followed the call of Sistani. .

As Shia’s highest religious leader, Sistani has been pondering Iraq’s future. He issued a statement in July 2003, requesting for the first time in Iraq to hold a national election and voting for a member of the Constitutional Council. It is said that at that time, the United States was considering the establishment of a permanent constitution for Iraq and was preparing to set up an Iraqi government to transfer sovereignty. Sistani’s statement changed the plans of the American occupation authorities. The United States decided to formulate an interim constitution and establish a transitional government until the general election in early 2005. At the beginning of March this year, the draft of an interim constitution drafted by the United States was completed. It was originally scheduled to be signed by 25 members of the interim Governing Council on March 5. However, because of the dissenting views on the two provisions in the draft, Sistani caused the signing of the draft. Delayed for three days. Sistani first expressed dissatisfaction with the draft’s provision that the Kurds have the right to reject the permanent constitution, and that the privilege of granting Kurds is too high. Second, it is dissatisfied with the composition of the three-person presidential committee and believes that it should be increased to five. Sunnis Only one person from the Kurds can be found. Although the draft interim constitution was finally signed under the pressure of the United States, Sistani predicted that "the interim constitution will become a dead child."

The bloody clashes in the armed "Mahdi Army" have become fiercer, the situation in Iraq has been turbulent, and people have panic. On April 7th, Sistani issued a religious decree condemning the U.S. military’s excessive use of force to suppress Sadr’s supporters. On the other hand, he appealed to both parties to solve their conflicts and conflicts through peaceful means. At the same time, he hoped that Iraq’s political and Social forces work together to end the tragedy of the conflict. Sadr had sent armed personnel to surround Sestani’s house in Najaf on April 12, 2003, in an attempt to force Sistani to leave Iraq. It should be said that there are certain contradictions between the two Shia forces. However, at the moment, Sistani did not rely on the forces of the United States to destroy Sadr. He is fully aware that Sadr is open to the United States and reflects the discontent of the Iraqi people over the occupation of the United States.

Laos invaded the military's path of advancement; at the same time, it demanded that the Iraqi people not help the US invading army to overthrow the Saddam regime and believe that it would lead to serious consequences in religion. This statute appears to be unbiased between the U.S. and Saddam Hussein, but in fact helped the U.S. to defeat Saddam Hussein. On April 9, 2003, when the U.S. military occupied Baghdad, the Saddam regime collapsed and Iraq experienced a period of anarchy. Some people robbed state property everywhere and many government offices were looted. Tiss of the Sith issued a decree at this time, calling on the Shi’ite people to return the stolen property to Ke, but did not advocate violent attacks on Americans. He actually helped the United States stabilize the situation in the Shia region of southern Iraq.

At noon on August 29, 2003, Bakir-Hakim made a Friday religious speech at the mosque in the Najaf Ali cemetery. When he stepped out of the gate of the mosque and was attacked by a car bomb, he died with more than 80 followers and another 230 were injured.

Abdul Aziz Hakim was born in 1953 and is the younger brother of Bakil Hakim. He was exiled to Iran during the reign of Saddam Hussein for 23 years and returned to Iraq on April 17, 2003. After Bakir Hakim was killed, Abdul Aziz inherited his unfinished mission. He was elected chairman of the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq in September 3, and was the general commander of the Badel Brigade with more than 4,000 armed personnel. Although Abdulaziz is one of the 25 members of the Iraqi Governing Council appointed by the United States, his political stance is not exactly the same as that of the United States. On the one hand, Abdul Aziz objected to the U.S. military presence in Iraq and demanded that the U.S. military withdraw from Iraq as quickly as possible. At the same time, he demanded that free and fair elections be held in Iraq and establish an independent and unified Ira. They are the most influential in Iraq today. One of the Shi’a family, who had been engaged in anti-Saddam regime fights in Iran, is now also opposed to the U.S. military’s occupation of Iraq. Abduaziz is a member of the Interim Governing Council and has more than 4,000 armed personnel.

The prominence of the Hakim family began with the great Ayatollah Sayyid Muhasinta Batabhaikhim. From 1955 until his death in 1970, Said Mohassin was always the highest religious authority of Iraq’s Shi’ites.

His brother Mohammed Syed Hakim was also a big Ayatollah. He still enjoys a lofty position among Iraq’s Shi’ites.

Grand Ayatollah Mohammad has nine sons. Most of them are engaged in religious careers. The fifth son, Muhammad Bakir Hakim, is the best and holds the title of Ayatollah.

Bakir Hakim’s religious views are more open. Together with Ayatollah Muhammad Bakirsad, he created a contemporary Shi’ite political movement in Iraq. Although Bakir Hakim was not a hard-line Shiite, he was arrested in 1972 by the ruling Ba'ath Party because he was politically seeking greater power for the Shiites. In February 1977, when Najaf broke out with anti-government riots, Bakir Hakim was considered behind the scenes. He was arrested for the second time and sentenced to life imprisonment.

In July 1979, Bakir Hakim was released from prison in advance.

At this time, Iran, a neighboring country, has already erupted into the Islamic Revolution. The Shiite leader Ayatollah Khomeini came to power. Basil Hakim feared that he was once again persecuted by Saddam's regime. He fled to Iran in 1980 and was welcomed by the Shi’ite regime in Iran. In 1982, Bakir Hakim established Iran’s Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, learned the experience of Iran’s Shi’ite revolution, prepared to overthrow the Saddam regime, and openly became the enemy of the Iraqi Ba'ath Party regime. To retaliate against Bakil Hakim, Saddam ordered the arrest of Hakim’s 125 family members in the country in 1983 and sentenced 18 of them to death.

With funding from Iran, Bakir al-Hakim’s “Ukrainian Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution” absorbed Iraqis exiling in Iran and gradually owned their own Armed Forces Badr Brigade to cooperate with Iranian forces in the Iran-Iraq War against Saddam Hussein. regime. In March 1991, after the U.S.-led multinational forces drove Iraqi troops out of Kuwait, the Badel Brigade took the opportunity to instigate Shi’ite uprisings in southern Iraq and washed many Ba’athists. The Americans regard this anti-Saddam regime's armed forces as a force that they can rely on. The US Congress passed the Iraqi Liberation Bill in 1998 and decided to provide 97 million U.S. dollars in funding. It was allegedly rejected by the Badel Brigade. However, Bakir Hakim does not refuse to maintain cooperation with the U.S. government.

Return to Iraq under U.S. occupation. Because he opposed the Saddam regime for a long time, and because of his Hakim brothers: he did not advocate violent means to oppose the U.S. occupation of Iraq, he soon became a Shi’ite leader trusted by Iraqis. Although Bakr al-Hakim opposed the U.S. occupation of the Ira Sealing Steamship 141, with more than 80 forced immigrants to the government of the Siam National Government. On the other hand, he opposed the attack on the US military and called it "terrorist activity." He believed that this would only add Sunnis to 40% of Iraq's total population of 25 million, and eliminate 20% of the Kurds. Really The number of Arab Sunnis is less than 20%, that is, less than 5 million. The Arab Sunnis used to be the ruling forces that the Ba'ath Party regime had long relied on. They generally enjoyed more and more favorable political and economic rights during the Saddam era. With the end of the Saddam regime, the Arab Sunnis became a vulnerable group on Iraq’s political scene. Shiites and Kurds became the targets of priority support from the US occupation authorities. Then, during the post-Saddam period, who would protect and defend the legitimate rights and interests of the Arab Sunnis, it was against this new historical background that the Arab Sunnis’ own organization, the Muslim Presbyterian Church, on April 14, 2003, Less than a week after the United States occupied Baghdad, it was born. The main sponsor and leader of the organization is Harris Dali, who served as the highest general secretary of the organization.

Harris Sulay Mandali was born in a family of Iraqi grandfathers. His grandfather Ibn Sulaimanben Sheikh Dali was a national hero against British colonial rule in Iraq in the 1920s and died in British prison in 1928. Dali grew up in the Sheikh Dali village near Baghdad. When he was young, he went to Egypt to study at the Al-Azhar University of Religions. In 1978, he received a doctorate from the university and taught at universities in Iraq, Jordan, and the United Arab Emirates. He has published four books. Sacred teaching monographs. Dali is one of the most prestigious religious authorities of the Sunnis in Iraq.

The fact that the coalition’s coalition organization has joined the instability of the Iraqi situation in Moss’ drama is not conducive to the smooth transfer of Iraq’s sovereignty. The Hakim family and their supporters are the Sheri Brothers, the Sufi, the Selefia and other groups in Iraq. These groups still maintain their independence after joining the Presbyterian Church, but they need to adapt to the requirements of the Presbyterian Church on principle issues. The Presbyterian Church manages Sunnis-owned mosques in their daily lives to meet the various needs of religious believers and provide life-saving assistance to Arab Sunni Muslims. The Presbyterian Church is not a political party, nor does it have its own armed divisions. It depends on the strength of religion in the Iraqi political arena where there are many parties. The vast majority of members of the Presbyterian Church are Islamic scholars (elders) who specialize in religious activities, religious studies, or religious education. They have spiritual guidance for Sunni believers.

The purpose of the Presbyterian Church is to unite Iraqi people of all ethnic groups and restore Iraq’s sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity at an early date. Dali demanded that the US and British occupying forces withdraw from Iraq as quickly as possible. He emphasized that the Iraqi people's desire to have independence is the same as the Americans' cherishing independence. They believe that the Iraqi people can manage themselves.

Dali similarly compares Palestine under Israeli occupation with Iraq under US occupation, and believes that the interaction between the Iraq issue and the Palestine issue will allow Zionists to persuade the United States to stay in Iraq for a long time. The Presbyterian Church refused to join the Iraqi Governing Council, believing that it was the paralysis of the US-British coalition. Dali likened the interim administration to dirty children packed with all kinds of dirty materials. He believed that it did not represent the will and ideals of the Iraqi people. He emphasized that the Iraqi people oppose the division of Iraq based on sectarianism and calls for the people to directly elect the president. The Presbyterian will insist that the Iraqi people have one of the three legitimate religious forces that resist the occupation. Its existence has partially weakened Iraq’s struggle against the American occupation.

right. The Presbyterian Church also called for dialogue and cooperation with Shiites to fight against the occupying forces.

The above positions of Dali and the Presbyterian Church have caused the hatred of certain parties and even the American occupation authorities. On February 21, 2004, Dalí’s brother Darmil Sulmandali, the Imam of the Baghdad Al-Bashihadla Mosque, received a group of unknowns while leading the worshippers to worship. The assailants of the identity died and died. The police analyzed that the assassination of Damir was an intimidation signal given to Dali.

Dali did not change his political attitude and continued to work for his cause. After the tragedy in Fallujah at the end of March this year, the US military surrounded Fallujah and tried to eliminate anti-US armed personnel in the city. On April 9th, when Dali addressed the Umm Gula Mosque in Baghdad, he called on the Iraqis to hold a general strike to protest the U.S. military’s military actions against Fallujah over the past few days. Dali also announced that the Presbyterian Church has passed a resolution prohibiting Iraqis from buying, selling, and transporting goods from the United States and Britain. Dali also called on Iraqis to provide medical assistance and humanitarian assistance to the residents of Fallujah.

Although there is no evidence that there is a relationship between the Anti-US Armed Forces in Fallujah and the Muslim Presbyterian Church led by Daly, these armed personnel are obviously willing to obey the call of the Presbyterian Church. In the fierce battle between Fallujah in April this year, the armed men there hijacked South Korea, Japan, Italy and even the Chinese people, and they intended to serve as conditions for the US military. However, Dali and the elders believe that the hostages are not in line with the Islamic values ​​and Muslims' behavior and call for the unconditional release of the hostages. The Fallujah armed personnel immediately responded to the call and gave priority to the release of hostages from friendly countries such as China, and then gradually released the hostages of other countries. The Muslim Presbyterian Church, as the spiritual guiding force of the Arab Sunnis, is playing an increasingly important role in Iraqi politics.

Dali: The people have the legal right to resist occupation as the spiritual guidance force of the Arab Sunnis. The Dali-led elders will refuse to join the Iraqi Governing Council, oppose the division of Iraq on the basis of sectarians, and call on the people to directly elect the president. Presbyterians do not approve of hostage taking and call for unconditional release of hostages.

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